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To
my parents ad memoriam
Any festival can only be of its time.
Michel Vovelle
When
we examine the press at the end of the XIX century or at the beginning
of the XX century, recurrently appears, in a specific epoch of the
year, the announcement of the celebration of the Spanish "Romerías"
(Popular festival celebrated in a religious local date) followed
by the comments on their development. Being in different points
of Buenos Aires province like Olavarría, Pringles, Balcarce,
or inner cities, even Montevideo, the certain thing is that these
festivals covered both margins of the Río de la Plata and
were practiced "from Buenos Aires to the last patagonian village"
as one of the Spanish intellectuals that also experienced the emigration
said. (Grandmontagne, 1994: 145 y ss).
In fact, though the lapse of the greatest affluence -a hundred thousand
annual entrances- occurred between 1905 and 1910, the peninsular´s
presence was notable since the two last decades of the previous
century. A presence that on the other hand should be tracked from
very early epochs, when even the Spanish legislation limited it
seriously.
Well, why do we have to take charge of a festival to analyse the
Spanish people´s insertion in Argentina?, does this or other
festival have any sense beyond the recreation or the obtaining of
any profit? Perhaps the most important sense of the festival is
a symbolic character. Besides of the anchorage in which Huizinga
(1968) called "the recreational sense of life " ("el
sentido lúdico de la vida") that lets men and women
be free from the weight of their daily routines, the festivals always
express a specific conception of the world (Bajtín, 1987).
From there their central character for the comprehension of any
culture, beyond their growing manipulation. Without ignoring their
symbolic meaning -that certainly supposes an analysis and a kind
of sources that exceed this work-, here we intend to take charge
of a closer dimension like the social uses to which they have been
object. In fact, although we are very far from those interpretations
of the 60´s that linked mechanically the cultural practices
and the social subjects, these activities keep some correspondence
with the sort of relations in force in a society (Chartier, 1990).
The Spanish "Romerías" allow then an approximation
to the different interests put "in game" in the context
of the massive migration to Argentina. As social practice really
extended, they had the virtue to convoke the most diverse subjects.
Who were the agents and participants of these parties?, what purposes
did they pursue with them?, did they simply look for reproducing
the traditions of the peninsula?. How were these festivals affected
by the transformations operated along the almost half a century
of massive migration?. Finally, beyond the Spanish people, which
was their impact in the receptive society?.
To answer all these questions, we will centre in the analysis of
the course that the "romerías" followed in one
of the urban centres that, as many others, emerged because of the
agriculture and cattle-raising exporting´s expansion that
reached the Argentine littoral in the cross of the centuries. We
refer to Mar del Plata city, that had about a thousand inhabitants
in 1881 and overpassed the 25.000 in the second decade of the new
century. This growth involved a quick urbanization that to its function
of nucleus of interchanges with the rural environment -that united
it with other cities of the pampas-, added the function of elegant
resort for the high social class of Buenos Aires and other points
of the country. By the 10´s the social and economic diversification
had promoted the emergence of new subjects conformed by urban workers
and media or ascending sectors, that caused a complexity declared
as well in the multiplication of intermediate companies as in the
political-partisan pluralism that carried the socialism to the municipal
government during almost a decade from 1920 (Da Orden and Pastoriza,
1991; Da Orden, 1991).
The European immigrants and particularly the Spanish ones had a
decisive role in all this process. In fact, by 1914 almost a quarter
of the Mar del Plata´s settlers had been born in the peninsula,
most of them in the north of Spain. Basque, from Navarro and Aragón
conformed the early crushes, while others from León, Asturias,
Galicia and Almería prevailed in the new century. By the
time of the Centenary the almost six thousand Spanish people that
lived in the city formed a varied cultural and social mosaic that
in a good way broke the homogeneity and polarization of the first
years of the place when a small number of immigrants, most of them
merchants from Navarro, had decided to found a Spanish company called
"Mutual Helps" (1883).
(1)
E-mail: mldaor@mdp.edu.ar
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